Home to 7.5 million people, the region of Catalonia in the north-east is crucial to Spain, which is the EU's fifth biggest economy and a member of NATO. Catalans have for decades been calling for more say in spending, higher status for their language and recognition they are a nation distinct from Spain.

It has the strong support of independence movements in both Scotland and Wales, whose activists see similarities in their demands for a breakaway from the Westminster-led United Kingdom.

In 2014, voters in Scotland took part in a referendum seeking independence away from the rest of Britain - only to have the plans of independence supporters rejected by 55 percent to 45 percent after one of the biggest turn-outs witnessed in any political contest in the UK.

The restlessness remains, however, with plans for a second independence vote now expected in the wake of the Brexit decision, whereby 62 percent voted to remain in EU - only to be over-ruled by a largely English-based majority.

Ms. Sturgeon admits the lack of progress on Brexit - and the Westminster government's handling of negotiations - is making the case for an indyref2 stronger.

The outcome of the Brexit negotiations could also seriously affect the future of Northern Ireland as EU negotiators have suggested it could remain as part of a united Ireland. Such a move would require a referendum to be held and put a strain on the Good Friday Agreement potentially even risking the return of the troubles that have previously claimed so many civilian lives.

For the time being, however, it is understandable why pro-autonomous groups in Britain remain encouraged by their Catalan cousins - as they wonder and wait...

In some cases, the wounds from the 2014 referendum vote on Scottish independence are only now slowly beginning to heal in a country that became so bitterly divided – it was almost unrecognizable to many.

In what remains one of the ugliest chapters in Scottish political history to date, the war of words from both sides quickly descended into death threats being issued, violence erupting on the streets, while families openly feuded with each other and long-standing friendships lost – never to be returned.

Now the prospect of a second vote on independence is looming large, although no actual date has, so far, been offered up by Scotland's First Minister Nicola Sturgeon as she keeps the cards close to her chest. Some commentators expected an announcement at the Scottish National Party's (SNP) annual conference this month, with a date in spring 2019 strongly favored, but the topic still remains off the agenda for the time being.

Suddenly, what was to have been a vote for a generation could materialize earlier than most imagined – within the next five years. Cranked up by the vote in Catalonia, Scottish pro-independence campaigners are now actively pushing for the issue to be put to the test once more believing they can now overturn the 55-45 vote previously recorded.

Nevertheless, there are others who are erring on the side of caution having seen the Scottish political landscape change dramatically in a matter of months. The SNP hierarchy also know they have to get it right this time around as it could set them back many years before another opportunity arises.

Having been slapped down by British Prime Minister Theresa May over demands for a second referendum, who insisted "now is not the time," Ms. Sturgeon has responded by saying she is prepared to wait until the terms of Brexit become clear.

A wise move, perhaps, considering Scotland voted overwhelmingly to remain in the European Union – recording the highest majority of any UK country with 62 percent in favor of remaining. Naturally there is much resentment that this nation who elected to remain is being dragged out of the EU screaming and shouting to no avail.

Under the current devolved powers arrangement, Scotland can determine its own law and order, health, housing, education, sport and tourism. Yet other key issues such as immigration, defense, foreign policy, energy, employment benefits, trade and the constitution remain at the discretion of Westminster.

There is also the danger Westminster could actually increase its power base following the transfer back of European legislation.

But the crux of any renewed bid for independence could come after Brexit when the UK is no longer in the European single market – something Ms. Sturgeon describes as "the world's biggest single market." It poses serious implications on the Scottish economy – for jobs, public spending and overall living standards.

Being able to sit and trade at the European table was among one of the key issues during the last referendum, although critics claimed Scotland enjoyed four times more business in the UK than across the channel. Would it really prioritize membership of the single market ahead of its ability to trade freely with the UK?

Unionist parties – led by the resurgence of the Conservative Party north of the border – now insist the economic case for independence lies "in tatters." It points to the collapse of the North Sea oil business and the dramatic fall in revenue – so how could Scotland possibly support itself in the future?

Ruth Davidson, Tory leader in Scotland, described the "independence because of Brexit" option as the political equivalent of "amputating your foot because you've stubbed your toe." She will, no doubt, remain a strong voice in putting forward the unionists' case should the starting gun be fired.

Last time around, much play was placed on major financial institutions and international companies moving south of the border – but hasn't the same been said after Brexit with the banks switching their headquarters to Paris or Frankfurt?

In addition, think tank Business for Scotland published 10 key economic facts that made it clear that Scotland is a wealthy nation. The facts show that Scotland is already in a stronger economic and fiscal position than the UK as a whole.

By moving economic decision making from Westminster to Scotland, Scotland will have greater control over policy-making in crucial areas. Control over issues like taxation, employment, immigration, exports and industrial policy to improve its finances.

Another major saving would be created with the removal of Britain's nuclear arsenal from Scottish shores to England, a key commitment of any independent Scotland, who argue such a deterrent is not entirely necessary.

It has been estimated that Scotland would be £3 billion (US$3,9bn) better off through independence, saving money on nuclear weapons - the House of Commons and London's civil service would no longer be funded with Scottish tax. The total saving on nuclear weapons and defense would amount to £500 million (US$653mln) in the first year. It would save £60 million (US$78mln) a year in paying Westminster's expenses for the House of Commons and Lords.

Unionists argue, however, the figures don't necessarily add up as Westminster spends £10,536 (US$13,706) on people in Scotland, which is £1,460 (US$1899) more than the UK average.

The independence debate in 2014 was also heavily influenced by a fiercely pro-active English-based media and BBC who preyed daily on the minds of the voters as well as the 500,000 people now living in Scotland from England, suggesting the need for special passports to visit their loved ones and families in the south.

This mass hysteria whipped up by the Her Majesty's press over a Scottish currency, its international standing and uncertainty in the financial markets could be repeated next time around. There will also be accusations that any independence moves in Scotland could potentially allow other separatist movements in Europe to do likewise.

The independence desire remains strong despite the SNP losing 21 seats at the last general election in the summer of 2016, having earlier claimed all but a handful of seats north of the border during a previous vote. The nationalist powerbase has waned but not significantly to discourage its members to hold back, some suggesting between 40 and 45 percent want to go it alone.

Robert McAlpine, director of the left-leaning Scottish think tank Common Weal, is convinced a referendum could be held in possibly less than five years.

Independent campaigner Tommy Sheridan insisted the need is as deep now as it was three years ago and urged for a second referendum to be called quickly.

The former Scottish Socialist party leader and organizer of the Hope Over Fear campaign said Scotland has a "clear, unadulterated" mandate. He argued it offered Scotland a unique chance to have the power to decide its future on its own.

Similarly, Jim Sillars, former SNP deputy leader, says "independence is inevitable in Scotland" especially as people realize that Britain is no longer an Imperial power and has led to a "significant decline of the home union that is England."

He has called, however, for the independence movement in Scotland to extricate itself from the SNP - as it is too tied to the party's electoral fortunes. Lessons from the last independence referendum, Mr. Sillars warned, have not been taken onboard as there has been "no post mortem," and unless this takes place it could potentially result in another missed opportunity.

Ms. Davidson remains confident the result of any new referendum would still result in victory for the unionists.

"I would be confident of victory. By the end of the last campaign Yes had already crossed over to be in the lead in the polls and we won by 10 points. At the moment they (SNP) are polling way below what they were doing then. I think the arguments are weaker and I think the people of Scotland are just as switched on as they were three years ago so I think there's every chance we would win by a wider margin," she said.

Solving the Irish question is akin to coming up with the six winning numbers in the National Lottery draw - simple, obvious as it is elusive.

The one sure way to enshrine free trade and free movement as well as regulatory clarity in relations between the north and south parts of the country would be to put them back together. At a stroke, problem solved. If only life could be so easy.

Yet, if you think about it the north would remain in the European Union, which is what the majority of those who took part in the referendum actually voted for, some 56 percent in favour of remaining - while the rest of the UK would leave albeit not to the satisfaction of the Scots, who also voted massively to remain in.

The likelihood of this happening, however, is not at all - at least in the short term anyway. For starters, the politicians involved in Northern Ireland - the two largest being the nationalist Sinn Fein and the Democratic Unionist Party cannot even reach agreement on forming a new power-sharing government, so the chances of them agreeing to the reunification of Ireland are virtually non-existent.

Such is the enormous divide over unity at present, there are genuine fears if such a move was suggested it could potentially trigger a return to the Troubles which cost over 3,500 lives, mostly civilian, between 1969 and 1998 when the Good Friday Agreement brought welcome peace.

The two communities - Protestant and Catholic - still remain fenced off from each other in Belfast and (London)Derry, so if they find it hard to share a city, honestly what chances of them sharing a country?

Indeed, one reason why Northern Ireland, despite its Unionist majority, voted more like Scotland than England or Wales, may be that people on both sides of the sectarian divide saw EU membership as a kind of guarantee for the contents of the Good Friday Agreement that has (mostly) resulted in peace for nearly two decades.

There is provision, nevertheless, within the agreement that would allow a vote to take place on the possibility of Ireland becoming united.

Former Irish prime minister Bertie Ahern believes such a referendum on Irish reunification would be dangerous, however, and warned it could lead to fresh trouble in Northern Ireland.

The ex-Taoiseach, a key partner for the British government during the Good Friday negotiations, voiced his fears after the European Union suggested a united Ireland that absorbed the north to join the EU if the province voted to leave the UK.

On the question of a border poll - a key Sinn Fein demand within Northern Ireland, Mr. Ahern said:

The Fianna Fail leader admitted the EU's decision to recognize the 1998 Good Friday agreement, which contains clauses allowing for a future border poll, was not a massive surprise.

"The fact that all of Europe reiterates that the Good Friday agreement is an international agreement… I'd be very disappointed if any of them said it wasn't. No it's not [a big deal] It's a fact of life," he added.

Yet the chances of a poll or referendum being held over the question of an independent Ireland is also highly unlikely given that the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) in Northern Ireland presently holds the ace card - the ear of the British government with whom it lent support to allow prime minister Theresa May to remain in power after her majority was wiped out at the last general election.

Many still believe the Brexit-Northern Ireland conundrum cannot remain off limits forever though as demographic change in the north has already been seen in recent elections there. Socially and economically, the Republic is a very different country from the one is was before it joined the EU. Nevertheless the chances of Britain allowing Northern Ireland to be swallowed up into an independent sovereign state is presently off the agenda.

While voters in Northern Ireland wanted to remain in the EU, successive opinion polls in the region have also shown a consistent majority in favor of staying within the UK rather than linking up with the Irish republic.

Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) leader Arlene Foster, left, and deputy leader Nigel Dodds © AP Photo, Niall Carson

The Ulster Unionist party insist that the Good Friday/Belfast agreement underpinned the principle of consent on the region's constitutional status.

Regardless, Sinn Fein earlier this summer called for an Irish unity referendum within five years. The republican party said ending partition of the island between Northern Ireland and the Republic had gained new urgency following the Brexit vote.

The party insisted the north should enjoy designated special status within the EU after the UK exit. Indeed the remaining 27 member states have declared that Northern Ireland can resume membership if the island is united.

The party said the EU had already shown itself flexible in handling different forms of integration and relationships for member and non-member states.

"Designated special status would preserve access to the single market and customs union, ensure that we retain the Common Travel Area and maintain access to all EU funding streams," it added.

The Irish repercussions continue to cause concern, including novelist Eimear McBride, who wrote: "That this delicate, hard-won and harder-maintained web of hope has been so carelessly, thoughtlessly jeopardized by a handful of bloviating careerists unashamed to far fear and division in British society in order to achieve their personal ambitions is a disgrace they will forever bear."

Some others take a different view even suggesting that Ireland should "seriously consider" leaving the EU. According to economist Ray Kinsella, Ireland's interests are closely tied to those of the UK and that it risks being "left marginalized if it stays in the EU."

Britain is not leaving Europe, he argued, it's leaving what Europe has become.

In the case of Ireland, he said it must decide whether it is "better to remain in Europe with all of the consequences of being a small and dependent nation... or does it make more sense for us to re-assess where we are."

"[For us] it's better to say, you know, we've been good to Europe and Europe's been good to us, we hope we can build on that relationship in the future, but in the meantime, it makes more sense for us to leave," he argued.

His comments have won support from Peter O'Loughlin, a founding member of the Identity Ireland party, who believes the time is right for Ireland to quit the EU, especially as Britain and Ireland remain major trade partners.

"At the moment, the European Union is in a desperate state, facing a raft of threats, including Brexit as well as Poland, Hungary and the European Commission's talks on migration and European skeptics' sentiments. In many ways, I think this is really heralding the beginning of the break [up] of the European Union," Mr. O'Loughlin said.

They often say that as soon as you put two Welsh people together in the same room they will automatically form a choir and break into song. It is a fact of life and one which the nation is extremely proud of.

Yet while their powerful voices demonstrate great passion for their homeland and its beauty, rarely do the Welsh actually sing about freedom and independence. This is also a fact of life, but one that surprises many people living there.

Where is the ambition? The drive to succeed and become masters of their own destiny?

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Perhaps it is out of loyalty, or genuine fear that the UK government may turn nasty and brutally turn off the financial tap leaving the nation and its people in an even more bereft, perilous position?

Self-preservation remains crucial these days. A report for the Joseph Rowntree Foundation in 2016 found that a quarter of people in Wales were struggling to make ends meet and poverty was costing the country £3.6 billion (US$4.7 billion) a year.

This is playing into the Welsh pro-independence activists' hands.

While many still regard nationalism as a "dirty" word, there are now signs that it is beginning to be considered, rather than accepted at this stage. After the Scottish referendum, those in Wales supporting Plaid Cymru's views on independence was as low as 3 percent.

Since then, it has grown steadily to 26 percent, according to two recent YouGov polls, prompting Plaid Cymru leader Leanne Wood to call for a "national debate" to explore all of the options, including that of independent Wales.

Speaking after the Scottish government warned of plans for a further independence referendum, Ms. Wood said:

"In that situation, Wales would need to decide its own future. Plaid Cymru has said that a remaining 'England and Wales' entity was not on the ballot paper during the previous EU referendum. A national debate to explore all of the options, including that of an independent Wales, must take place in Wales when that scenario becomes a realistic one."

Aberystwyth, Caernarfon and Cardiff and Indyfest gig in Cardiff, Wales where Catalan flag was placed in front of the group ('The Barry Hornes'). ©YesCymru

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"I want an independent country that is not shackled to a political system that barely registers its existence, and indeed an English left that pays it little attention, except to treat it as voting fodder or to express exasperation when it hasn't voted in a way that holds the rest of the UK back from its most right-wing urges," she added.

"Wales has been marginalized and even humiliated by Westminster politics, and it deserves better. In turn, Westminster deserves to be rejected by the Welsh," Ms. O'Hagan added.

Whether this discussion takes place remains to be seen, some hope it will be enough to frighten the union-loving Tories, that remain the main opposition party, or simply shake up a complacent Labour party that expects Wales to go on voting for it forever.